Proposed Anti-Terror Legislation Would Amass
Further Executive Branch Power
Sequel to USA PATRIOT Act would overrule pending court cases,
further disrupt checks and balances
Statement of Human Rights First
Draft anti-terrorism legislation currently being circulated by the
Ashcroft Justice Department includes many provisions that would endanger
core civil liberties and fundamentally alter the relationship between
the executive branch and the courts, Human Rights First has charged.
The draft proposal, called the Domestic Security Enhancement Act
of 2003, builds on the USA PATRIOT Act, which was enacted in October
2001.
The security challenges facing the United States are ongoing and
serious, and Human Rights First supports responsible and appropriate
efforts by the U.S. government to enhance public safety. However,
over the last 17 months the Bush Administration has pursued a raft
of new measures that undermine basic civil liberties and human rights,
many of which bear no obvious relationship to increased security.
This draft legislation is the most recent example.
"This bill would sweep away important constitutional checks
on executive power that are fundamental to our democracy,"
said Elisa Massimino, Washington Director of Human Rights First. "Where the courts have questioned the constitutionality
of the Administration's actions, the Ashcroft legislative proposal
would wall off those areas from judicial inquiry. The bill reads
like a Department of Justice wish list to exempt itself from oversight
by the courts."
For example, the draft legislation would legalize secret arrests,
a practice ruled unconstitutional by a federal court in a lawsuit
by groups that sought access to the names of more than 1000 people
rounded up by the Justice Department after September 11, 2001. The
Department has refused to give the names of those it jailed in that
roundup and has appealed the court's order to turn over the names.
Likewise, where the courts have begun to question the constitutionality
of the Administration's denial of access to legal counsel to U.S.
citizens being held in military jails, the draft legislation provides
a solution by paving the way for the government to strip these detainees
of their citizenship altogether.
The 86-page bill makes more than 100 changes to the law. Among
the most troubling are:
1. Authorizes Secret Arrests. The bill overturns
a federal court decision requiring the Justice Department to turn
over the names of the people it detained in post-9/11 sweeps, a
ruling that the government has appealed. Although the Justice Department
has argued on appeal that current law does not require that it disclose
these names, the draft bill hedges those bets by explicitly authorizing
the government to keep secret the names of those it arrests and
jails without charge.
2. Authorizes Stripping Americans of their Citizenship for
Engaging in Constitutionally Protected Conduct. Current
law reflects the sacrosanct nature of American citizenship by making
it very difficult for the government to take it away from people.
Only in rare cases, for example when a person serves in the armed
forces of a state at war with our country, can the government deprive
an American of his or her citizenship. And even in those cases,
the government must prove that there was a specific intention to
relinquish American citizenship by engaging in that conduct.
The Justice Department's draft bill takes a different approach
to citizenship. It would create a system where the government can
strip an American of his citizenship as a form of punishment if,
for example, the person gave "material support" to a group
designated by the government as "terrorist." The question
of what constitutes "material support" has been challenged
in the courts, because it is vague and appears to include political
association and speech that is protected by the Constitution. The
draft bill defines "material support" to include "instruction
or teaching designed to impart a specific skill."
3. Permits Extradition -- including of US Citizens -- without
Treaty. The Justice Department proposes in the draft bill
to upend a fundamental principle of liberty established virtually
at the foundation of our democracy: that the executive may not deliver
a person to prosecution by a foreign government except pursuant
to treaty or explicit statutory authority. Extradition treaties
between countries typically provide specific conditions for prosecution
(for example ensuring fair trial and protecting against prosecution
under unjust laws). The Administration could, if it wanted to, negotiate
extradition treaties to cover any gaps it finds. Instead, it proposes
to bypass the treaty process, creating a situation in which even
American citizens could be sent for trial to countries with which
the U.S. does not have an extradition treaty – countries that
include Saudi Arabia, Syria, Libya, China, Yemen, and Indonesia.
4. Erases Court Orders Issued to Prevent Police Spying.
Last year, Attorney General Ashcroft unilaterally lifted restrictions
on domestic spying by the FBI that had been put in place after revelations
that the government had conducted oppressive surveillance on Martin
Luther King, Jr. and other civil rights leaders deemed "subversive."
Many state and local law enforcement agencies, some with disturbing
histories of similar abuses, are party to court-supervised consent
decrees arising out of legal challenges to these practices. These
consent decrees prohibit illegal spying by police departments, and
as such the Justice Department argues that they inhibit "effective
cooperation" with the federal spying now permissible under
the new Ashcroft guidelines. The draft legislation addresses this
problem by abolishing all of these consent decrees.
5. Radically Expands Grounds on which Non-Citizens -- including
Legal Permanent Residents – Can be Deported Without a Hearing
and Further Limits Judicial Review of Attorney General Decisions.
The bill has a number of provisions that are simply unrelated to
terrorism, including one that broadens the already overly-broad
grounds on which non-citizens can be deported without a hearing,
and another that applies those provisions to legal permanent residents,
as well as other immigrants. What this means in practice is, for
example, a long-time legal permanent resident who wrote a bad check
in 1976, is now subject to mandatory deportation under "expedited
removal," a form of administrative decision that skips the
courts altogether. The bill eliminates the possibility of judicial
review for whole categories of people of the Attorney General's
decision to deport them.
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