Interview with Han Dongfang,
Chinese Labor Advocate

Han Dongfang was the convenor of the Beijing Autonomous Workers Federation in Tiananmen Square in 1989, the first independent labor organization in China in 50 years. Jailed for 22 months without trial after the June 4 massacre, he now lives in Hong Kong. Han talked to us in New York, where he was one of three advocates honored at our annual Human Rights Award Dinner in 2000.

Tell us a little about the radio programs that you broadcast for workers in China.

In March 1993, I asked Radio Free Asia if they would give me ten minutes of airtime in order to discuss labor problems in China. And so the Labour Bulletin radio broadcast was born and continues to this day. In September 1997 RFA allocated me enough airtime to broadcast three Labour Bulletin programmes a week. One of these programmes, broadcast on a Saturday night, consists of recordings of telephone conversations with listeners on the problems facing workers in China. We’ve now edited the transcripts of these broadcasts into two books. So far these are only in Chinese, but we’re hoping to find an English-language publisher.

This Saturday evening broadcast is the one that receives the most favorable reaction from listeners. It’s also the program I enjoy most, because it allows me to talk directly to Chinese workers and get vital, first-hand information on their situation. It’s a breakthrough for my listeners, because it allows them to "run" the official news blockade and gives them access to up-to-date information on the problems that workers face in other areas of China, how others react to various rights abuses and what forms of protest they adopt. At the same time, it enables me to close the gap between Chinese workers and myself. For some years this breach had been almost impossible to bridge; suddenly it disappeared under a wave of telephone calls and communication.

What are the main complaints that you hear in these conversations?

The discussions are dominated by complaints of the poverty caused by mass unemployment and lay-offs. This includes the situation of enterprises teetering on the edge of bankruptcy and the high level of corruption among company and government officials. It’s almost impossible to avoid discussion of the corruption and venality of these officials. It’s something that is on everybody’s minds. Many Chinese workers harbor an intense hatred for this behavior. You could describe their attitude as one of "sharpening the swords."

Does that mean there’s a real danger of violence in the period ahead?

I hope not, but it worries me. The discontent I hear in the workers’ voices is like a ticking time bomb. The first time I heard someone say, "There's no way out, this country needs an all-or-nothing revolution," I felt excited. But Chinese workers need to be aware of the implications of such a revolution. Each time I hear this kind of talk, I ask people – the price of revolution is high, but who is going to pay most dearly for it? Will it be the rich officials who can fly out of the country as soon as they feel the need to run? Or will it be the hard-up workers?

Are health and safety issues also an important concern for your callers?

Yes, definitely. And they’re another good reason why China urgently needs independent unions. Let me give you just one example. Sometimes when I hear about a specific problem, I just pick up the phone and call the local official who is responsible. Well, there was a devastating fire recently at a factory in Shenzhen, just across the border from Hong Kong. 23 workers were burned to death. I called the local health and safety officer of the official trade union federation and asked what they were doing to help. She said nothing. Then she said, what can we do? That’s not our job. So I asked her if she knew that under Chinese law, workers have the right to evacuate an unsafe workplace. She said she didn’t know anything about that. It wasn’t the union’s concern.

Do you know what the factory was making?

Yes, they were making Christmas ornaments.